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Archive for the month “February, 2010”

In the Mood of Maulidul Rasul

الصُّبْحُ بدَا مِنْ طَلْعَتِهِ  #  والليلُ دجا من وفرتهِ

فاقَ الرُّسلا فضلاً وعلا  #  أَهْدَى السُّبُلاَ لِدَلالَتِهِ

كَنْزُ الْكَرَمِ مُوْلِي النِّعَمِ  #  هادي الأممِ لشريعتهِ

أذكى النسبِ أعلى الحسبِ  #  كُلُّ العَرَبِ في خِدمَتِه

سَعَتِ الشَّجَرُ نَطَقَ الحَجَرُ  #  شُقّ القَمَرُ بِإِشَارتِهِ

جِبْرِيلُ أَتَى لَيْلَة َ أَسْرَى  #  والرَّبُ دعاهُ لحضرتهِ

نالَ الشَّرَفَا والله عَفَا  #  عما سلفا من أمتهِ

فمحمدنا هوَ سيدنا  #  فالعِزُّ لَنا لإِجَابتِهِ

The light of the dawn is from the radiance of Your Blessed Face
And the sparkle of the night is from the glimmer of Your Blessed Hair

Our Master is the treasure of grace, He is a treasure of mercy
He is the guide of the entire Nation, showing us the way of the Sacred Law

On the command of your Blessed finger the tree began to walk
Embraced in your hand the stones began to speak
Upon one gesture of Your blessed finger the moon was split in two

On the night of the Ascension, Hazrat Jibril came with glad tidings
Your Lord invites you to the heavens, bestowing upon You the honour of intimacy

the honour  is coming and Allah give His forgiveness

Therefore You are our benefactor, You are our leader
You are the cause of our dignity and preservation

**some people said this poem wrote by Hazrat Hasan Bin Thabit (may Allah bless him), one of the Prophet Muhammad’s companion.

** I didn’t find the translation for the no.7
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Gaza’s Great Betrayer

I copy this article just to share with you !

It’s more than a year since Israel launched its immoral attack on Gaza and Palestinians are still living on the verge of a humanitarian disaster. So what has Tony Blair done to further peace in the region? Virtually nothing, argues the historian Avi Shlaim

Tony Blair visiting Gaza, June 2009

Tony Blair in June 2009 speaking at a press conference in Gaza calling for a quick reconstruction. Photograph: Hatem Moussa/AP

The savage attack Israel ­unleashed against Gaza on 27 December 2008 was both immoral and unjustified. Immoral in the use of force against civilians for political purposes. Unjustified because Israel had a political alternative to the use of force. The home-made Qassam rockets fired by Hamas militants from Gaza on Israeli towns were only the ­excuse, not the reason for Operation Cast Lead. In June 2008, Egypt had ­brokered a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the Islamic resistance movement. ­Contrary to Israeli propaganda, this was a success: the average number of rockets fired monthly from Gaza dropped from 179 to three. Yet on 4 November Israel violated the ceasefire by launching a raid into Gaza, killing six Hamas fighters. When Hamas ­retaliated, Israel seized the renewed rocket attacks as the ­excuse for launching its insane offensive. If all Israel wanted was to protect its citizens from Qassam rockets, it only needed to ­observe the ceasefire.

While the war failed in its primary aim of regime change in Gaza, it left ­behind a trail of death, devastation, ­destruction and indescribable human suffering. Israel lost 13 people, three in so-called friendly fire. The Palestinian death toll was 1,387, including 773 civilians (115 women and 300 children), and more than 5,300 people were injured. The ­entire population of 1.5 million was left traumatised. Across the Gaza Strip, 3,530 homes were completely ­destroyed, 2,850 severely damaged and 11,000 suffered structural damage.

The UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees, tending to the needs of four million Palestinian ­refugees, stated that Gaza had been “bombed back, not to the Stone Age, but to the mud age”; its inhabitants ­reduced to building homes from mud after the fierce 22-day offensive.

War crimes were committed and possibly even crimes against humanity, documented in horrific detail in Judge Richard Goldstone’s report for the UN human rights council. The report ­condemned both Israel and Hamas, but reserved its strongest criticism for Israel, accusing it of deliberately targeting and terrorising civilians in Gaza. The British government did not take part in the vote on the report, sending a signal to the hawks in Israel that they can continue to disregard the laws of war. Gordon Brown’s 2007 appointment as a patron of the Jewish National Fund UK presumably played a part in the adoption of this ­pusillanimous position.

One year on, the Gaza Strip, one of the most densely populated areas on earth, continues to teeter on the verge of a humanitarian disaster. Israel’s ­illegal blockade of Gaza, in force since June 2007, restricts the flow not only of arms but also food, fuel and medical supplies to well below the minimum necessary for normal, everyday life. Reconstruction work has hardly begun because of the Israeli ban on bringing in cement and other building materials to Gaza. Thousands of families still live in the ruins of their former homes. Hospitals, health facilities, schools, government buildings and mosques cannot be rebuilt. Nor can the basic ­infrastructure of the Gaza Strip, including Gaza City’s sewage disposal plant. Today, 80% of Gaza’s population ­remain dependent on food aid, 43% are unemployed, and 70% live on less than $1 a day.

Meanwhile, the so-called peace process cannot be revived because ­Israel refuses to freeze settlement ­expansion on the West Bank. Prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu recently agreed to a temporary freeze of 10 months, but this does not apply to the 3,000 pre-approved housing units to be built on the West Bank or to any part of Greater Jerusalem. It’s like two men negotiating the division of a pizza while one continues to gobble it up.

Politically, the disjunction between words and deeds persists. Appeals to the Israeli government to lift or relax the blockade of Gaza were not backed up by effective pressure or the threat of sanctions. In fact, the only effective pressure was applied by the US on the Egyptian government – to seal its border with Gaza. Egypt has its own reason for complying: Hamas is ideologically ­allied with the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic opposition to the Egyptian regime. The tunnels under the border separating Egypt from the Gaza Strip bring food and material relief to the people under siege. Yet, under US ­supervision and with the help of US army engineers, Egypt is building an 18-metre-deep underground steel wall to disrupt the tunnels and tighten the blockade.

The wall of shame, as Egyptians call it, will complete the transformation of Gaza into an open-air prison. It is the cruellest example of the concerted ­Israeli-Egyptian-US policy to isolate and prevent Hamas from leading the Palestinian struggle for self-determi­nation. Hamas is habitually dismissed by its enemies as a purely terrorist ­organisation. Yet no one can deny that it won a fair and free election in the West Bank as well as Gaza in January 2006. Moreover, once Hamas gained power through the ballot box, its ­leaders adopted a more pragmatic stand ­towards Israel than that enshrined in its charter, repeatedly expressing its readiness to negotiate a long-term ceasefire. But there was no one to talk to on the Israeli side.

Israel adamantly refused to recognise the Hamas-led government. The US and the European Union ­followed, ­resorting to economic ­sanctions in a vain attempt to turn the people against their elected leaders. This cannot ­possibly bring ­security or stability ­because it is based on the denial of the most ­elementary human rights of the people of Gaza and the collective political rights of the ­Palestinian people. Through its special relationship with the US and its staunch support for ­Israel, the ­British government is implicated in this shameful policy.

At present the British public is ­preoccupied with Tony Blair and the war in Iraq. What is often ­overlooked is that this was only one aspect of a disastrous British policy towards the Middle East, inaugurated by Blair, and which shows no sign of changing under his successor.

One of Blair’s arguments used to ­justify the Iraq war was that it would help bring justice to the long-suffering Palestinians. In his House of Commons speech on 18 March 2003, he promised that action against Iraq would form part of a broader engagement with the problems of the Middle East. He even declared that resolving the Israeli-­Palestinian dispute was as important to Middle East peace as removing Saddam Hussein from power.

Yet by focusing international ­attention on Iraq, the war further ­marginalised the Palestinian question. To be fair, Blair persuaded the Quartet (a group consisting of the US, the UN, the EU and Russia) to issue the Roadmap in 2003, which called for the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel by the end of 2005. But President George Bush was not genuinely committed and only adopted it under pressure from his ­allies. Ariel Sharon, Israel’s hard-line prime minister at the time, wrecked the plan by continuing to expand Israeli settlements on the West Bank. Could Blair really not have realised that for Bush the special relationship that ­counted was the one with Israel? Every time Bush had to choose between Blair and Sharon, he chose Sharon.

Israel’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip in August 2005 was not a contribution to the Roadmap but an attempt to unilaterally redraw the borders of Greater Israel and part of a plan to ­entrench the occupation there. Yet in return for the unilateral withdrawal from Gaza, Sharon extracted from the US a written agreement to Israel’s ­retention of the major settlement blocs on the West Bank. Bush’s support amounted to an abrupt reversal of US policy since 1967, which regarded the settlements as illegal and as an obstacle to peace. Blair publicly endorsed the pact, probably to preserve a united ­Anglo-American front at any price. It was the most egregious British ­betrayal of the Palestinians since the Balfour Declaration of 1917.

In July 2006, at the height of the savage Israeli onslaught on Lebanon, Blair opposed a security council ­resolution for an immediate and ­unconditional ceasefire: he wanted to give Israel an opportunity to destroy Hezbollah, the radical Shi’ite religious-political movement. One year later, in June 2007, he resigned from office. That day he was appointed the Quartet’s special envoy to Israel and the Palestinian Authority. His main sponsor was Bush and his blatant partisanship on behalf of Israel was probably considered a qualification. His appointment ­coincided with the collapse of the ­Palestinian national unity government, the reassertion of Fatah rule in the West Bank and the violent seizure of power by Hamas in Gaza.

Blair’s main tasks were to mobilise international assistance for the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority, to promote good governance and the rule of law in the Palestinian territories, and to further Palestinian economic development. His broader mission, was “to promote an end to the conflict in conformity with the Roadmap”.

On taking up his appointment, Blair said that: “The absolute priority is to try to give effect to what is now the consensus across the international community – that the only way of bringing stability and peace to the ­Middle East is a two-state solution.” His appointment was received with great satisfaction by the Israelis and with utter dismay by the Arabs.

In his two and a half years as special envoy, Blair has achieved remarkably little. True, Blair helped persuade the Israelis to reduce the number of West Bank checkpoints from 630 to 590; he helped to create employment oppor­tunities; and he may have contributed to a slight improvement in living ­standards in Palestine. But the Americans remained fixated on security rather than on economic development, and their policy remains skewed in favour of ­Israel. Barack Obama made a promising start as ­president by insisting on a complete settlement freeze on the West Bank, but was compelled to back down, ­dashing many of our high hopes.

One reason for Blair’s disappointing results is that he wears too many hats and cannot, as he promised, be “someone who is on the ground spending 24/7 on the issue”. Another reason is his “West Bank first” attitude – ­continuing the western policy of bolstering Fatah and propping up the ailing Palestinian Authority against Hamas. His lack of commitment to Gaza is all too evident. During the Gaza war, he did not call for a ceasefire. He has one standard for ­Israel and one for its victims. His attitude to Gaza is to wait for change rather than risk ­incurring the displeasure of his American and ­Israeli friends. As ­envoy, Blair has been inside Gaza only twice; once to visit a UN school just ­beyond the border and once to Gaza City. His project for sanitation in northern Gaza was never completed because he could not ­persuade the Israelis to ­allow in the last small load of pipes needed. A growing group of western politicians has ­publicly acknowledged the necessity of talking to Hamas if meaningful progress is to be achieved; Blair is not one of their number.

Blair has totally failed to fulfil the ­official role of the envoy “to promote an end to the conflict in conformity with the Roadmap”, largely for reasons beyond his control. The most ­important of these is Israel’s determination to perpetuate the isolation and the de-development of Gaza and deny the Palestinian people a small piece of land – 22% of Mandate-era ­Palestine, to be precise – on which to live in freedom and dignity. It is a policy that Baruch Kimmerling, the late Israeli sociologist, named ­”politicide” – the denial to the ­Palestinian people of any independent political existence in Palestine.

Partly, however, Blair’s failure is due to his own personal limitations; his ­inability to grasp that the fundamental issue in this tragic conflict is not Israeli security but Palestinian national rights, and that concerted and sustained ­international pressure is required to compel Israel to recognise these rights. The core issue cannot be avoided: there can be no settlement of the ­conflict without an end to the Israeli occupation. There is international consensus for a two-state solution, but Israel rejects it and Blair has been unable or unwilling to use the Quartet to enforce it.

Blair’s failure to stand up for Palestinian independence is precisely what endears him to the Israeli establishment. In February of last year, while the ­Palestinians in Gaza were still mourning their dead, Blair received the Dan David prize from Tel Aviv University as the “laureate for the present time ­dimension in the field of leadership”. The citation praised him for his ­”exceptional intelligence and foresight, and demonstrated moral courage and leadership”. The prize is worth $1m. I may be cynical, but I cannot help viewing this prize as absurd, given Blair’s silent complicity in Israel’s ­continuing crimes against the ­Palestinian people.

Avi Shlaim is professor of international relations at St Antony’s College, Oxford, and the author of Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations (Verso, 2009). His fee for this article has been donated to Medical Aid for Palestine

Source : www.guardian.co.uk

Boeing 787 Dreamliner Interior Design

Aircraft yang diberi nama Boeing 787 Dreamliner ini telah pun berjaya dalam Uji Pandu atau Test Flight pada Disember lalu. Syarikat penerbangan pertama yang dijangka menerima aircraft ini ialah ANA ( All Nippon Airways), walaupun lewat daripada tarikh yang dijangkakan pada tahun 2008. Sekarang Boeing secara rasminya mereleasekan gambar interior design diaorang untuk pesawat B787 ni. Boeing menyatakan yang mereka akan lebih mengutamakan keselesaan penumpang bagi pesawat ini dengan teknik pengcahayaan didalam kabin yang dinamik, tandas yang lebih luas dan selesa, tempat penimpanan luggage yang lebih luas dan yang paling menarik ialah penutup tingkap elektronik transparent yang boleh diubahsuai semasa penerbangan.

keadaan sebenar interior B787 bagi salah satu pesawat yang menjalani flight test

Untuk menguji operasi design baru ini, pesawat ini akan menjalani flight testnya pada bulan ini.

Untuk makluman, satu daripada kesemua 6 pesawat yang menjalani flight test (pesawat B787 yang pertama) menggunakan engine Roll-Royce Trent 1000, manakala baki lagi lima pesawat menggunakan engine GE.  Pesawat B787 ini juga dikatakan dapat menjimatkan penggunaan minyak sebanyak 20% berbanding pesawat lain yang sedia ada yang mempunyai kemampuan yang lebih kurang sama dengan pesawat ini. Pesawat ini juga menyediakan kapasiti muatan cargo hingga 45 peratus.

Bahagian dalam flight deck atau cockpit B787 Dreamliner.

Haji Wan Adam Kampung Laut

TUAN GURU HAJI WAN ADAM ( 1906 – 1975 )

Nama beliau ialah Wan Adam Bin Che Ali Bin Che Senik (rahimahumullahu),lebih dikenali dengan panggilan Pak Su Wan Adam Kg. Laut. Beliau dilahirkan sekitar tahun 1906M  di Kampung Laut dalam Jajahan Tumpat, Kelantan, hasil perkongsian hidup ayahnya dengan ibu beliau, Wan Maimunah. Tiada maklumat yang tepat mengenai tarikh sebenar kelahiran beliau. Datuknya Che Senik, seorang guru Al-Quran berasal dari Champa, Kemboja yang kemudiannya berhijrah ke negeri Kelantan dan bermastautin di Kampung Laut. Beliau dilahirkan dalam keluarga yang besar dengan jumlah adik-beradik beliau kesemuanya 23 orang hasil perkahwinan ayahandanya, Che Ali dengan empat orang isteri. Ayahandanya Che Ali juga merupakan seorang guru Al-Quran yang ‘alim dan wara’ dan mengajar di Kampung Laut. Manakala bapa saudaranya, Che Tahir merupakan Imam di Masjid Lama Kampung Laut.

 

PENDIDIKAN BELIAU

Persekitaran keluarga beliau yang berpegang teguh pada ajaran agama menjadi pemangkin kepada dirinya untuk turut mencintai ilmu agama. Beliau mendapat didikan asas daripada ayahandanya sendiri. Seawal usia remajanya, beliau dihantar oleh ayahandanya untuk menuntut ilmu di Pondok Mufti Haji Wan Musa di Jalan Merbau, Kota Bharu, Kelantan. Beliau merupakan salah seorang daripada 3 orang murid yang paling disayangi oleh gurunya, al-‘Allamah Mufti Haji Wan Musa anak Tuan Tabal (rahimahumallah). Maka tidak hairanlah jika gurunya ini banyak mempengaruhi pemikiran beliau dalam memperjuangkan sunnah Rasulullah dengan mengangkat Al-Quran dan Hadis sebagai sumber utama terutamanya dalam masalah Fiqh Ibadah. Dengan gurunya inilah beliau menuntut ilmu Fiqh dan Tasawuf serta menerima ajaran Tariqat Ahmadiah. Kemudian beliau dihantar oleh gurunya, Mufti Haji Wan Musa untuk menuntut ilmu hadis dengan Tok Khurasan (rahimahullah) seorang pakar hadis yang mengajar di suraunya di Kampung Sireh. Kecintaan beliau pada ilmu membawa beliau merantau ke Besut, Terengganu untuk menuntut ilmu dengan Tuan Guru Haji Abbas Besut. Disamping itu beliau juga sempat berguru dengan seorang ulama’ dari Makkah yang datang menetap di Kampung Dalam Pandan,Tumpat, iaitu Sidi Azhari (rahimahullah) yang merupakan salah seorang sheikh bagi Tariqat Ahmadiah (ulama’ ini kemudiannya kembali menetap di Makkah). Manakala berkenaan guru-guru beliau yang lain tidak didapati sumber yang jelas mengenainya. Selepas tamat pengajian, beliau kembali ke Kampung Laut dan membina suraunya tidak jauh dari Masjid Lama Kampung Laut. Beliau berulang-alik mengajar di surau tersebut dan satu lagi surau yang terletak di sebelah Hulu Market, Kampung Laut yang sekarang dikenali sebagai Surau Haji Wan Adam. Bagaimanapun surau beliau yang terletak tidak jauh dari Masjid Lama itu telah musnah dalam peristiwa Bah Besar sekitar tahun 1960-an. Sebagai seorang yang cintakan ilmu, hubungan beliau dengan guru-gurunya tidak pernah renggang walaupun setelah tamat pengajiannya dan saling berhubung. Kadang-kadang, gurunya Mufti Haji Wan Musa dijemput untuk mengajar di Kampung Laut. Beliau pernah ditawarkan jawatan Imam Besar Masjid Muhammadi Kota Bharu tetapi beliau menolak kerana tidak mahu terikat dengan Sultan yang menjadi ketua agama negeri.

PERWATAKAN

Sepanjang hayatnya, beliau dikenali sebagai seorang ulama’ yang tegas dalam pendirian dan juga garang. Beliau tegas mempertahankan pendirian beliau dalam menjunjung sunnah Rasulullah S.A.W dan tidaklah keterlaluan jika dikatakan beliau sebagai seorang reformis atau pembawa pembaharuan dalam ibadah masyarakat Islam di Kampung Laut. Beliau berani mengutarakan pandangan beliau berdasarkan ilmu walaupun ianya bertentangan dengan amalan penduduk Kampung Laut pada ketika itu dan ditentang keras oleh beberapa guru agama yang tidak sependapat dengan beliau. Namun begitu, kebanyakannya hanya berkisar kepada masalah furu’ (cabang agama) sebagai contoh beliau menentang amalan membaca talqin dikuburan yang  bertentangan dengan sunnah nabi dan banyak lagi perkara lain seperti masalah doa qunut ketika Solat Subuh, meletakkan ‘belindang’ atas kubur dikawasan perkuburan awam, sambutan Maulid Rasul dan lain-lain.  Sikap cintakan ilmu beliau dibuktikan dengan pertemuan mingguan beliau dengan sahabat seguru beliau di Kota Bharu untuk berdiskusi ilmu-ilmu agama dan kitab-kitab. Antara sahabat rapat beliau yang menjadi teman perkongsian ilmu ialah, Hj. Nik Mat Nazir Hj. Wan Musa, Hj. Nik Mahmud Hj. Wan Musa,Hj. Nik Hasan, Hj. Nik Mat Alim Raja Banjar (ayahanda Tok Guru Dato’ Nik Abdul Aziz), Hj. Daud Kedai Kitab dan Maulana Abdullah Nuh. Betapa agungnya cinta beliau terhadap ilmu agama dapat digambarkan apabila suraunya lenyap dihanyut arus Bah Besar pada sekitar tahun 1960-an, puluhan kitab beliau turut musnah sama menyebabkan beliau demam selama seminggu memikirkan dan rindukan kitab-kitabnya yang telah musnah. Kitab-kitab milik beliau mengjangkau angka ratusan.

Selain itu beliau juga terkenal dengan sifat tawaduk beliau yang menundukkan pandangan beliau daripada wanita, beliau tidak bercakap dengan wanita kecuali ada tabir yang memisahkan pandangan beliau dengan wanita tersebut kecuali ahli keluarga yang terdekat. Beliau juga seorang yang bencikan perbuatan yang sia-sia seperti melepak di wakaf dan kedai-kedai kopi. Pernah satu ketika beliau membuang wakaf kecil yang dijadikan tempat melepak dan bermain ‘dam’ kedalam sungai. Terpengaruh dengan gerakan pemikiran dan tajdid oleh Sheikh Muhammad Abduh dan didikan Mufti Hj.Wan Musa menjadikan beliau seorang ulama’ yang progresif dalam memperjuangkan Islam dan ini dapat dibuktikan dengan penglibatan beliau dalam Parti Islam Se-Tanah Melayu (PAS) serta menganggotai dewan ulama’ parti tersebut diperingkat kawasan.

MENINGGAL DUNIA

Pada tahun 1975, beliau mengerjakan haji bersama isteri dan anak lelakinya. Setelah berada di Makkah, beliau kemudiannya berangkat ke Madinah. Setelah 5 hari berada di Madinah, beliau ditimpa demam panas. Namun, Allah lebih menyayangi ulama’ ini, akhirnya beliau menghembuskan nafas terakhirnya di Madinah pada 17 November 1975M pada usia 69 tahun dan dimakamkan di Perkuburan Baqi’ 70 langkah jaraknya dibelakang maqam Imam Malik (rahimahullah) dan bersama-sama ribuan para sahabat nabi. Beliau meninggalkan 7 orang anak hasil perkahwinannya dengan 2 orang isteri. Anak dengan isterinya yang pertama, Hajjah Wan Sufinah ialah Wan Fatimah, Wan Zainab dan Mohd Nordin. Manakala dengan isterinya yang kedua, Wan Aminah ialah Wan Khadijah, Wan Muhd Shamsuddin, Wan Ibrahim dan Wan Kalsom.

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